University of Makati J. P. Rizal Extension, West Rembo, Makati city ———————————— Difference in Perception Between Activist and Non-Activist, Students of University of Makati during the school Year 2006-2007 on the Issue of Education System in the Philippines and its Implication to the Economic Growth of the Country ———————————– In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement in Psychology, Methods of Research ———————————– Submitted to: Mrs. Lucia Dela Cruz Professor ———————————– Submitted by: Gloann Dubas Psychology Student ———————————– March 14, 2007 Difference in Perception Between Activist and Non-Activist, Students of University of Makati on the Issue of Education System in the Philippines and Its Implications to the Economic Growth of the country CHAPTER I The Problem and its background Introduction Filipinos even before the Spanish occupation in the Philippines have shown high regards to education. In fact, during the primitive period, they already had a system of reading and writing – two essential factors in acquiring knowledge. As many people would say, education is a major weapon needed to overthrow all the obstacles on the way to the path of one’s goal – success. According to an argument in Solow models, economists now give education and knowledge the central role in the growth process. It also contributes to economic productivity, plays a major role in diffusing knowledge that is vital to the growth process and is an important force for broader economic development. This trait of the Filipinos manifested until this time. In spite of many years that had passed many things that had changed and different things that they had experience, they still valued education the same way as they did before. It shows in their strong determination and perseverance to send their children to school in spite of economic difficulties they would undergo. Most often than not, parents are being forced to sell their farms and poultry animals just to have money enough to sustain their child’s education while some are left with no choice but to leave the country in search for a greener Pasteur abroad. In addition to that, even the youth themselves are being encouraged to have a part time job in order to finance their studies. However, having sufficient enough amount of money for your child’s education does not guarantee of a good and quality education. It is in this light that the role of the government has become very significant. As stated in Article XIV Section I of the Philippine Constitution, the state should protect and promote the right of every Filipinos for good and quality education in all levels and must conduct appropriate measures to ensure that everyone will have equal access to it. It is then clear that education must not become a privilege to those who can afford to pay for it but otherwise be available for everyone. The constitution also prescribed that even though it is the primary responsibility of parents to give their children their basic needs including education, it is however, the responsibility of the government to its citizenry to provide access to them and primary education must become a compulsory. Article XIV Section 5, Paragraph 5 supports this proposition by declaring that the sector of education must have a top priority in budget allocation (Education vs. Militarization, 2006) and based on the Automatic Appropriation Act, this sector is entitled to get an automatic 14 % share on the budget from national government (Agenda, 2006). It just shows that the 1987 Constitution aims not only to restore the nobility of teaching profession but it also intends to revitalize the oft – criticized education system to make it deliver the goods: and educated people. Being the sector receiving the highest budget from the government, it is in no doubt that the amount rendered to them is sufficient to meet the necessary requirement needed to attain a quality and advance form of education. Nevertheless, this is apparently contrary to the report given by the Congressional Commission on Education in 1991 that states that the quality of education in the Philippines is declining continuously (Education Towards Freedom, 2006). This becomes more apparent because of the emergence of various progressive groups and organizations many years ago that maintains to be consistently visible in main streets of Metro Manila conducting a demonstration regarding their condemnation to the governments’ continuous neglect to their obligations to the citizenry as what their banners says. These groups and organizations of individuals include the youth sectors. Their grievances had remains to be the same for over the passed many years – tuition fee increase, increase budget for education, repressive school policies, privatizations, additional buildings and facilities and the like. They are label as the student activist (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Activist). Student activism is work done by the students to effect political, environmental, economic or social change. It has often focused on making changes in school such as increasing students’ influence over the administration policy or improving education (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Activist). On the other hand, the word non-activist is just a connotative term is used to described those who do not belong to any progressive groups or organizations such as Anakbayan, League of Filipino Students and the like which have a political and social orientation. However, their inability to join this group does not imply that they are not aware of the situation in school but may just have their own means of expressing it. It is therefore the objective of this research, to determine the difference in perception between activist and non-activist, students of University of Makati on the issues of education system in the country and its implication to the economic growth. Statement of the Problem This research aims to provide answers to the following questions: 1. What are the demographic profile of the respondents in terms of: a. Age b. Gender c. Course d. Organization e. Annual family Income 2. What is the perception of the activist and non-activist, students of University of Makati on the issues of education system in the country and its implication to economic growth? 3. Is there a significant difference in perception between the activist and the non-activist, students of University of Makati on the issue of education system and its implication to economic growth? Hypothesis Ho = there is no significant difference in perception between activist and non-activist, students of University of Makati on the issue of education system in the country and its implication to economic growth. Scope and Delimitation The research will tackle the current problems in the sector of education and its implication to economic growth of the country as perceive by the respondents of this study. Since it covers only the students of university of Makati, the result of this research does not represents the perception of everybody. Significance of the Study This research hopes to benefit the following: The activist since this will hope to serve as a venue for them to communicate their views and opinions regarding the issue of education system in the country and its implications to economic growth. This will also help them understand more the situation of education system of the country. The non-activist for it will hope to help them see the real situation of education system even more. School Administrations for it hopes to help them see the views of both activist and non- activist regarding system of education. The government for it hopes to provide them information on the effectiveness of policies they have created for this sector. This will also help them see the implications of their action done in this sector regardless whether it is good or not. Further researcher for it hopes to serve as a source of information in the new research to be formulated. CHAPTER II This chapter contains the review of related literature, conceptual framework, and diagrammatic presentation of conceptual framework and definition of terms. Related Literature In 1815, in Jena (Germany) the “Urburschenschaft” was founded. That was a student ever binding that was concentrated on national and democratic ideas. In 1817, inspired by liberal and patriotic ideas of a united Germany, student organizations gathered for the Wartburg Castle, at Eisenach in Thuringia, on the occasion of which reactionary books were burnt (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In Canada, several student organizations emerge in the late 1950s. There were several dominant New Left groups in Canada, the two main political organizations being the Student Union for Peace Action (SUPA) and the Company of Young Canadians (CYC). SUPA grew out of pacifistic and moralistic Combined Universities Campaign for University Disarmament (CUCND) in 1964 expanded its scope of affairs to include grass-roots politics in disadvantaged communities and consciousness rising to radicalize and raise awareness of the generation gap experience by Canadian Youth. SUPA was a decentralized organization, rooted in local university campuses, and thus inherited the distinctly middle class orientation of Canadian students. After SUPA disintegrated in late 1967, its members either moved to the CYC or became active leaders in the Canadian Union of Students (CUS), leading the CUS to assume the mantle of New Left student agitation. The organizations were marked by widespread intellectual debates. For example, with respects to the working class, the idea that the traditional working class has been bought off and integrated into the system was widespread in these discussions, leaving the question of who now represented the most important actor in the struggle for a new and better socialist society. Indeed, SUPA fell apart over these debates over the role of the working class and the Old Left. In 1968 Students for a Democratic University (SDU) was formed in McGill and Simon Fraser University. The SFU SDU was originally composed of former SUPA members and New Democratic Youth but also absorbed members from the campus Liberal Club and Young Socialists. SDU was prominent in the Administration Occupation of that year and the student strike in 1969. After the failure of the student strike SDU broke up (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In Indonesia, university student group s have repeatedly been the first groups to stage street demonstrations calling for governmental change at key points in the nation’s history, and other organizations from across the political spectrum have sought to align themselves with student groups. During the political turmoil of the 1960s, right-wing student groups staged demonstrations calling for then-president Sukarno to eliminate alleged Communists from his government, and later demanding that he resign. Sukarno did step down in 1967, and was replace by army general Suharto. Student groups also played a key role in Suharto’s 1998 fall by initiating large demonstrations that gave voice to widespread popular discontent with the president. High school and university students in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Medan, and elsewhere were some of the first groups willing to speak out publicly against the military government. Student groups were a key part of the political scene during this period (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In Iran, students have been at the forefront of protests both against the pre-1979 secular monarchy and, in recent years against the theocratic Islamic republic. Both religious and more modern students played a major part in Ruhollah Khomeini’s opposition network against the Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi. In January 1978 the army dispersed demonstrating students and religious leaders, killing several students and sparking a series of widespread protests that ultimately led to the Iranian Revolution the following year. On November 4, 1979, militant Iranian students calling themselves the Muslim Students Following the Line of the Imam seized the U.S. embassy in Tehran holding 52 embassy employees hostage for 444 days (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In the United States, student activism is often understood as a form of youth activism that is specifically oriented toward change in the American education system. Student activism in the United States dates to the beginning of public education, if not before. The best early historical documentation comes from the 1930s. The American Youth Congress was a student led organization in Washington, DC, which lobbied the US congress against racial discrimination and for youth programs. It was heavily supported by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). The 1960s saw student activists gaining increased political prominence. One highlight of this period was Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), a student led-organization that focused on schools as a social agent that simultaneously oppressed and potentially uplifts society. SDS eventually spun of the Weather Underground. Another successful group was Ann Arbor Youth Liberation, which featured students calling for an end to state-led education. Also notable was the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, which fought against racism and or integration of public schools across the US (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In the early 1980s several formalized organizations brought neo-liberal models of student activism to campuses across the nation, specially the Campus Outreach Opportunity League (C.O.O.L). They claim large responsibility for identifying and championing the interest in service among higher education students (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). American society saw an increase in student activism again in 1990s with the ushering in of the neo-liberal community service policy of Bill Clinton. The popular education reform movement has led to a resurgence of populist student activism against standardized testing and teaching, as well as more complex issues including military/industrial/prison complex and the influence of military and corporation in education. There is also increased emphasis on ensuring that changes that are made are sustainable, by pushing for better education funding and policy or leadership changes that engage students as decision-makers in school. Major contemporary campaigns include work for funding of public schools, against increase tuition fees at colleges or the use of sweatshop labor in manufacturing school apparel, and fro increase student voice throughout education planning, delivery, and policy-making (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). In France, student activists have been extremely influential in shaping recent history. In May 1968 the University of Paris at Nanterre was closed due to problems between the students and the administration. In protest of the closure and the expulsion of Nanterre students, students of the Sorbonne in Paris began their own demonstration. The situation escalated into a nation-wide insurrection during which a variety of groups, including communists, anarchists, and right-wing liberation activists, used the tension to advocate their own causes (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). Conceptual Framework Activism in a general sense can be described as intentional action to bring about social or political change. This action is in support of, or opposition to, one side of often-controversial argument. The term activism and activist used in a political manner first appeared in the Belgian press in 1916 in connection with the Flamingant movement. The word activism is often used synonymously with protest or dissent, but activism can stem from any number of political orientations and take a wide range of forms, from writing letters to newspapers or politician, political campaigning, economic activism, rallies and street marches, strikes, or even guerilla tactics. In the more confrontational cases, an activist maybe called a freedom fighter by some and a terrorist by others, depending on whether the commentator supports the activists’ ends. In some case, activism has nothing to do with protest or confrontation: for instance, some religious and feminist activists try to persuade people to change their behavior directly, rather than persuade government to change laws; the cooperative movement seeks to build new institutions which conform to its principles, and generally does not lobby or protest politically. Activist has often been used as a pejorative for those judges who seek to redress social ills through judicial rather than legislative action. Thus many conservative politicians have sought to curb the power of those deemed “activist judges” whom they claim are acting outside traditional boundaries of judicial review. Some liberals contend that judicial activism is a long-standing US legal tradition, while others have responded that judicial activism is equally or more prevalent among judges deemed conservative. Transformational activism on the other hand is the idea that people need to transform on the inside as well as on the outside in order to create a meaningful change in the world. Student activism is word done by students to effect political, environmental, economic, or social change. It has often focused on making changes in school, such as increasing student influence over curriculum or improving educational funding. In some setting, student groups have had a major role in broader political events, as reflected in youth activism. Modern student activist movements vary widely in subject, size, and success, with all kinds of students in all kinds of educational settings participating, including public and private school students; elementary, middle, senior, undergraduate, and graduate students; and all races, socio-economic backgrounds and political perspectives. Popular issues include youth voice, student right, school funding, drug policy reform, anti-racism in education; tuition fee increases (in colleges), supporting campus worker’s struggles, and many other areas. Numerous critics of student activist movements have identified the flaw of developing large categorizations based in the inherent oversimplification of singling out the role of individual recipients of educational processes as agent of change a larges society of which they belong; by isolating individuals as students without acknowledging their multiple other identities, activist movement tend to disenfranchise the very oppressions they sought to challenge and/or transform. Another contemporary challenge of student activism comes from the late Brazilian educator Paulo Freire who identified the crisis of the pure activist who operates without critical reflection. According to him, the leaders treat the oppressed as mere activists to be denied the opportunity of reflection and allowed merely the illusion of acting, whereas in fact they would continue to manipulate – and in this case by the presumed foes of the manipulation. He also believed that by de-voiding activism of learning, organizers might actually perpetuate the very problems they sought to address (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/student_activism). Self-perception theory is an account of attitude change developed by psychologist Daryl Bem. It asserts that we only have that knowledge of our own behavior and its causation that another person can have, and that we therefore develop our attitudes by observing our own behavior and concluding what attitudes must have caused them. Self-perception theory differs from cognitive dissonance theory in that it does not hold that people experience a negative drive state called dissonance, which they seek to relieve. Instead, people simply infer their attitudes from their own behavior in the same way that an outside observer might. It combines dissonance with attribution theory (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-perception_theory). Cognitive dissonance is the perception of incompatibility between two cognitions, which can be define as any element of knowledge, including attitude, emotion, beliefs, or behavior; in other words, it is the uncomfortable tension that comes from holding two conflicting thoughts at the same time. The theory of cognitive dissonance states that contradicting cognitions serve as a driving force that compels the mind to acquire or invent new thoughts or beliefs, or to modify existing beliefs, so as to reduce the amount of dissonance between cognition. The psychologist Leon Festinger first proposed the theory of cognitive dissonance in 1956 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cognitive_dissonance). Social psychology is a highly empirical field. Rather than seeking global theories of human behavior, as are frequently found in personality theory, social psychologists utilize a wide range of specific theories for various kinds of social and cognitive phenomena (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_social_psychology_theory). Attribution theory is concerned with the ways in which people explain the behavior of others. The theory divides the way people attribute the causes to events into two types. External or situational attributions assign causality to an outside factor, such as the weather. Internal or dispositional attributions assign causality to factors within the person; such as ability or personality Social psychology is a highly empirical field. Rather than seeking global theories of human behavior, as are frequently found in personality theory, social psychologists utilize a wide range of specific theories for various kinds of social and cognitive phenomena (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_social_psychology_theory). Social identity theory was developed by Henry Tajfel and examines how categorizing people into in-groups and out-groups affects perceptions, attitudes and behavior. He, together with John Turner formed this theory to understand the psychological basis of inter-group discrimination. Social identity theory is composed of three elements; Categorization, Identification, and Comparison. As developed by Tajfel, social identity theory is a diffuse but interrelated group of social psychological theories concerned with when and why individuals identify with, and behave as part of, social groups, adopting shared attitudes to outsider. It is also concerned with what difference it makes when encounters between individuals are perceived as encounters between group members. Social identity theory is thus concerned both with the psychological and sociological aspects of group behavior. Reacting against individualistic explanations of group behavior on one hand, and tendencies to reify the group on the other, Tajfel sought an account of group identity that held together both society and individual. Tajfel first sought to differentiate between those elements of self-identity derived from individual personality traits and interpersonal relationship and those elements derived from belonging to a particular group. Each individual is seen to have a repertoire of identities open to them, each identity informing the individual of who he is and what this identity entails, which of these many identities is most salient for an individual at any time will vary according to the social context. Tajfel then postulate that social behavior exits on a spectrum from the purely interpersonal to the purely inter-group. Where personal identity is salient, the individual will relate to others in an interpersonal manner, dependent on their character traits and any personal relationship existing between the individuals. However, under certain conditions social identity is more salient then personal identity in self-conception and that when this is the case behavior is qualitatively different: it is group behavior. The first element in social identity theory is categorization. We categorize objects in order to understand them; in a very similar way we categorize people in order to understand the social environment. We use social categories because they are useful. If we assign people to a category then that tells us things about those people. Similarly, we find out things about ourselves by knowing what categories we belong to. We define appropriate behavior by reference to the norms of groups we belong to, but you can only do this if you can tell ho belongs to your group. The second important idea is identification. We identify with groups that we perceive ourselves to belong to. Identification carries two meanings. Part of who we are is made up of our group membership. That is sometimes we think of ourselves as “us” vs. “them” or “we” vs. “they”, and at other times we think of ourselves as “I” vs. “he or she” or “me” vs. “him or her”. That is sometimes we think of ourselves as group members and at other times we think of ourselves as unique individuals. What is crucial for our purposes is that thinking of you as a group member and thinking of yourself as a unique individual are both parts of your self-concept. The first is referred to as social identity; the latter is referred to as personal identity. Just to reiterate, in social identity theory, the group membership is not something foreign, which is tackled onto the person, it is a real, true and vital part of a person. Again, it is crucial to member in-groups are groups you identify with, and out-groups are ones that we identify ourselves against. The other meaning implied by the concept of identity is the idea that we are, in some sense, the same, or identical to the other people. This should not be misinterpreted, when we say that we are the same, we mean that for some purposes we treat members of our groups as being similar to ourselves in some relevant ways. The third idea that is involved in the social identity theory is one that we have already dealt with. It is Festinger notion of social comparison. The basic idea is that a positive self-concept is a part of normal psychological functioning. There is pretty good evidence that to deal effectively with the world we need to feel good about ourselves. The idea of social comparison is that in order to evaluate ourselves we compare ourselves with similar others (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/social_identity). Identity politics is the political activity of various social movements fro self-determination. It claims to represent and seek to advance the interests of particular groups in the society, the members of which often share and unite around common experiences of actual or perceive social injustice, relative to the wider society of which they form part. In this way, the identity of the oppressed group gives rise to a political basis around which they then unite. Despite the purportedly overlapping definitions with social identity its adherents claim its possesses, such as encompassing the development of a social identity for group members and providing a body of thoughts which may be used to challenge dominant stereotypes, identity politics means more than the sole recognition of social identity such as religion, ethnicity, or culture. Rather, identity politics seeks to carry this social identity forward, beyond mere self-identification, to a political framework based upon the identity (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/identity_politics). The political right considers it inappropriate that a minority, in claiming an identity, expects an enumeration of unprecedented rights. The individualist ideology of the right makes the idea that rights be granted based only on race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or culture a non sequitur. Particularly in Enlightenment Liberal Democratic theory, if a right is extended to only a portion of society, it is no longer a right but a privilege. Thus, from the point of view of a political right, identity politics is not demanding right to which it is actually entitled, but instead is demanding special privileges. The Radical Left considers identity politics detrimental to the working class culture they hope to see take the forefront upon revolution to overthrow capitalism. To these critics, identity politics unnecessarily divides the working class against itself. With the development of a political and social consciousness in the United States and Europe that overwhelming emphasizes individual liberty as opposed to the collective entitlement of large groups, radical leftist say that the overarching socio-economic problems with capitalism tend to be ignored in identity politics. According to this view, resources and organizational opportunities for deeply positive change are squandered in the relentless search for specific group identity. The radical left would argue that capitalism created the circumstances of inequality whereby the formation of identities was deemed necessary in the first place. Thus, understanding identity politics is like taking cough suppressant for a cold: it attacks the symptoms of the problem but not its cause (http:en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ientity_politics#Forms_of_identity_politics). The more appropriate conclusion is that there are both partial direct effects and indirect structural from education on economic growth, which are quite significant both individually and when combined into the total effects. Indirect effects of education that are significant include; the effects of education on increased rates of investment in physical capital. This arises as greater skills in the labor force help to offset diminishing return to physical capital and as education contributes to political stability; and the effect of government support for education on increase rates of total savings. The education taxes force personal financial savings, defined in the standard fashion as refining from consumption, and also induce large forgone earnings that are a part of and increase total savings, as more children stay longer in school and room and boar costs are invested in human capital formation (Tracing the Impact of Education on development, 1999). The contribution of education to the welfare of individual students and their families and to economic development includes the direct contributions of education to economic productivity plus indirect contribution through community structural effects. These latter, to the extent they are due to education, also aid productivity growth within firms and households. In this context two levels of externality benefits can be distinguished. One level is within the household. Some work environment, for example, contain many well-educated people, collegiate, and stimuli to new learning, facilitating an interchange whereby each individuals’ productivity benefits from knowledge gained from colleagues; the same is true within some households. The second level of shared externality benefits is from the environment in the community within which the firm or the household lives, which can also be contributed to firm or household productivity. These community characteristics can include low crime rates, good public health, democratic processes, political stability, and other characteristics to which the level of education in the community contributes, and not just knowledge in the environment that is shared. Some of these advantages can come from prior generations and their earlier knowledge, clearly an externality. This process is at the core of the new endogenous growth models. The result is an offset to the diminishing returns to physical capital that would otherwise occur. Within the context of this model, this means increasing the returns, which allows per capita growth potentially to continue without bounds. It is every parents dream to for their child or children to be able to finish college education because they believe that it will be of great help to them to alleviate the economic status of their family. However, according to Bureau of Labor and Employment Statistics of 1996, the level of unemployment among individuals who finished their college education is higher as compared to those who did not finished their studies as shown in figure 1. Figure1 Unemployed Persons by Highest Grade Completed Education (%) percent Unemployed No grade 2.2 Elementary 1-5 years 10.3 Elementary graduate 13.2 Secondary 1-3 years 15.9 Secondary graduate 26.3 College 1-3 years 18.9 College graduate and higher 12.7 The most shocking is the report from Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Tracer Study of 1998, which state that, the percent of unemployment among newly graduates from La Salle, Ateneo de Manila and UP are 17.3 %, 17.6 % and 21 % respectively. If this is the case with these prestigious schools, how much more will be the case in not-so-well-known schools? It is true that the level of literacy of the Philippine citizens is relatively high as compared to its neighbor countries but the level of employment in the country is relatively low on the other hand (UNDP Human Development Report, 2002). Commercialized Characteristics of Education. According to Annual Poverty Indicator Survey of 1998, almost 47.9 % of the total populations of the country reduce their budget for foods because of crisis and difficulty in providing their children education. Based on the study of Ibon Foundation, 41.5 % of the monthly income of the Filipinos (based on P280/day minimum wage) goes to the payment of tuition fee of a child which means that – since the average tuition per unit in National Capital Region is amounting to P553 – almost haft of their minimum wage every month is allotted to education. According to Education Act of 1982, the private schools have freedom to increase the tuition fee however it is not absolute according to Supreme Court in their stated opinion regarding the case of Lina vs. Carino which states that the section 42 of Education Act of 1982 does not give private schools absolute freedom in increasing tuition fees. The government has a power through the Commission on Higher Education to (CHED) to impose minimum rate of increase and present guidelines to measure the necessity of the increase. Conceptual Paradigm Figure 2 Activist Non-activist Definition of Terms University of Makati – it refers to the place where the research is to be conducted. Activist – refers to the individuals belonging into a progressive organization. Non- Activist – refers to the individuals not member of any progressive organization. Perception – refers to ones view or opinion regarding a topic or subject that are often affected by the outside agent or factors. CHAPTER III This chapter contains the research methodology, research design, research locale, samples and sampling techniques, the subject, the instruments, the procedures and the statistical treatment the researcher used. Research Methodology This chapter is the discussion of the research design, research locale, samples and sampling procedure, subject of the study, data gathering procedures, research instrument and statistical treatment of the data. Research Design The researcher will use a descriptive survey method. This method is to be use because of the appropriateness to the problems, besides describing, “What is” it also supplies both factual and practical information that can be used to find out the perception of both activist and non-activist, students of University of Makati on the issue of education system and its implication to economic growth. Research Locale The study will take place at the University of Makati located at J.P.Rizal Extension, West Rembo, Makati City. Sample and Sampling Technique The researcher will use a purposive sampling technique. The researcher will select the sample units subjectively since the locale is University of Makati wherein the dominant population appears to be the group of non-activist students. This is the most appropriate sampling technique for this study for it is dependent on the researcher’s subjective judgment. The subject The respondents of this study will be comprise of 30 activist students coming from progressive organizations available at University of Makati and 30 non-activist students available on the date of survey. Data Gathering Procedures To conduct the data gathering procedure, first the researcher will need to secure permission from distinct progressive organization leaders in the research locale to allow their members to partake in the said study. After having the approvals of the leaders, the researcher will now administer the self-made questionnaires to the available members of the organization. In the case of non-activist students however, the researcher will proceed in administering the test to any non-activist available on the date of the administration of the survey. The researcher will use a self-made questionnaire because it is being formulated to acquire the necessary data needed in the research. Research Instrument The researcher will use a self-made questionnaire because it is being formulated to acquire the necessary data needed in the research. Statistical Treatment The following are statistical methods and techniques to be use in the analysis of research data. T – Test for independent means This statistical treatment is use to determine the significant difference between the mean score of the activist and non-activist from the result of the administered self-made survey questionnaire. Formula: t = X1 – X2 ____________________ ____________________ √S12/ N1 + S21/ N2 Where: X1= mean of the first group X2 = mean of the second group S1 = standard deviation of first group S2= standard deviation of group N1= no of cases in first group N2 = no of cases in second group Weighted Mean - measures the central tendency of collected raw data. Formula: M = ∑x — N Where: M = weighted mean ∑ = summation of the product of the frequency mean N = no. of respondents Percentage – determine the following frequency of the responses expressed in percentage formula. Formula: P = x/n x 100 % Where: P = Percentage x = the sum of x n = the number of cases Standard Deviation – determine the variability of score around the mean and degree of spread among the score of respondents for this study. Formula:__________ S = √ (∑x – X) 2 ““““` (N-1) Where: S = standard deviation X = value of the score X = mean N = total no of respondents
